L6

The term "Global South" has become a prevalent analytical framework for understanding the contemporary world, though its origins trace back to Carl Oglesby in 1969. It refers to a geopolitical grouping, primarily encompassing countries of the Southern Hemisphere, whose boundaries and characteristics are still debated. Bertrand Badie describes the Global South as a "gigantesque fourre-tout" but identifies three core components: a shared sense of domination, an assumed stance of contestation, and inherent diversity. This lecture examines the evolution from the "Third World" concept during the Cold War to the modern understanding of the "Global South" and its role in reshaping global governance.

I. The "Third World" in the Cold War Context

The concept of the "Third World" emerged during the Cold War, deeply intertwined with decolonization.

A. The Third World, a concept born in the context of decolonization and the Cold War

1. The Genesis and Definition of the Expression "Third World"

• Alfred Sauvy coined the term "Third World" in L'Observateur on August 14, 1952.

• It served as a key concept to interpret the global order of the second half of the 20th century.

• The term initially referred to what the United Nations called "underdeveloped countries."

• It signified a political position distinct from the two opposing blocs of the Cold War (capitalist and communist), making these nations both a "third world" and an object of superpower rivalry.

• The term draws a reference to the "tiers état" (Third Estate) of the Ancien Régime in France, highlighting that these social groups were the most numerous yet least represented. This analogy conveyed the shared experience of colonial subjugation.

• Odd Arne Westad defined the Third World as "the former colonial or semi-colonial countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America that had been subjected to European economic or political domination."

2. The Context of Decolonization

• The Second World War profoundly weakened European colonial powers:

  • Many colonies became actual theaters of war.

  • Colonized peoples were called upon to fight for freedoms they themselves did not enjoy.

• In the immediate postwar period, the principle of peoples' right to self-determination gained international prominence, enshrined in Chapter XI of the UN Charter.

• Superpowers adopted anti-colonial rhetoric, further fueling decolonization.

• The process of decolonization unfolded over approximately thirty years, though some territories remain non-self-governing today (e.g., the 17 non-self-governing territories recognized by the UN).

• Key independence milestones include:

  • Middle East: Egypt (1922 and 1936), Iraq (1932), Lebanon and Syria (1943, confirmed 1945), Transjordan (1946), Israel (1948).

  • Asia: India and Pakistan (1947), Burma and Ceylon (1948), Malaysia (1957), Indonesia (war 1945-1948), Indochina (war 1945-1948).

  • Africa: Ethiopia and Libya (1951), Algeria (war 1954-1962), French Empire in sub-Saharan Africa (1960), Ghana (1957), Sierra Leone (1961), Uganda (1962), Kenya (1963), Malawi, Tanzania, Zambia (1964), Gambia (1965), Botswana and Lesotho (1966), Swaziland (1966), South Africa (1960-61), Southern Rhodesia (1965), Portuguese Empire in the mid-1970s.

3. The Countries of "Third World": Arenas, Stakes, and Actors in the Global Cold War

• The Third World became a crucial arena for Cold War competition:

  • 1950s onward: American-Soviet rivalry began extending into Third World regions.

  • 1970s to early 1980s: The Third World emerged as the central theater of confrontation between the US and the USSR.

• Despite its anti-colonial rhetoric, the US often supported colonial powers in practice until the 1960s.

• The Third World became a primary space for ideological confrontation between capitalism and communism, each presenting a distinct vision for development.

• Odd Arne Westad interprets American and Soviet interventions in the Third World as continuations of colonialism.

• These superpower interventions frequently exacerbated internal conflicts in post-independence nations.

• Over 200 coups occurred across Africa, Asia, and the Americas between 1945 and 1970, as noted by Vijay Prashad.

• New centers of communist influence emerged within the Third World itself, such as the People's Republic of China and Cuba.

B. The Third World: Emergence and Failure of a Political Project

Vijay Prashad famously stated, "The Third World was not a place. It was a project."

1. A Political Project Whose Origins Pre-date the Second World War

• The pioneering League Against Imperialism, founded in 1927 in Brussels, brought together 200 delegates from 37 colonized countries, including future leaders like Sukarno and Nehru.

• Transnational ideologies significantly influenced this early political project, including:

  • Pan-Africanism

  • Pan-Arabism

  • Pan-Asianism

2. From Bandung to Non-Alignment: The Political Emergence of the "Third World"

• The Bandung Conference (April 18-25, 1955) was described as a "coup de Tonnerre" by Léopold Sédar Senghor.

  • 29 delegations from Asia, Africa, and the Middle East, representing approximately 1.4 billion people, gathered without the supervision of colonial powers or superpowers.

  • This was a critical moment for newly independent states to convene and establish networks among their leaders and activists.

  • The conference adopted moderate principles, despite expressing diverse positions on the Cold War.

• The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) developed from these efforts, gaining momentum after events like the Brioni Conference (1956) involving Nasser, Nehru, and Tito, and the Suez Crisis (1956).

• The Third World gained influence in the UN General Assembly:

  • Resolution 1514 (1960): Advocated for the end of colonialism.

  • Resolution 2106 (1965): Called for the elimination of racial discrimination.

• Cities like Algiers became significant hubs, attracting revolutionaries and hosting events such as the Pan-African Festival (1969) and the Non-Aligned Summit (1973).

• Cuba under Fidel Castro also played a prominent role, exemplified by the Tricontinental Conference in 1966.

3. The Economic Claims of the Third World

• Third-Worldism was rooted in a fundamental critique of the existing global economic order.

  • It sought to address economic dependency and rebalance the global economic system.

  • These nations shared significant economic and social challenges, being largely "undeveloped countries" with less industrialization (only 10% of global manufacturing output in 1973), unfavorable trading conditions, and rapid social and demographic change.

• Efforts to establish a New International Economic Order (NIEO) included:

  • 1964: Formation of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).

  • 1967: The Group of 77 conference adopted the Algiers Charter of the Economic Rights of the Third World.

  • 1973 (Non-Aligned Summit) and 1974 (UN General Assembly): Calls for a NIEO were formally launched.

• The formation of cartels such as the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1960 (by Venezuela, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Iran) and the Bogotá Group for coffee producers demonstrated collective economic action.

4. The Failure of the Third World

• The Non-Aligned Movement struggled due to its highly heterogeneous membership and questionable non-alignment (e.g., Cuba's alignment with the Soviet Union).

• Many charismatic Third World leaders were overthrown or discredited.

• The concept faced an existential question: Could a "Third World" exist after the end of the "Second World" (the collapse of the Soviet bloc)?

• The 1980s brought a major debt crisis, forcing the implementation of "structural adjustment programs" in the Global South, often imposed by international financial institutions.

• The idea of a single "Third World" dissolved into "multiple Souths":

  • OPEC countries (oil exporters).

  • Newly Industrialized Countries (NICs): The "Asian Little Dragons" (South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong).

  • Emerging economies.

  • "Least Developed Countries."

II. Will the Global South Reshape Global Governance?

The term "Global South" gained academic currency from the 1990s-2000s and is now widely used in international relations. The 1980 Willy Brandt report, North-South: A Programme for Survival, marked an early recognition of this division.

A. How the Global South Reshapes Global Governance

The Global South refers to states historically marginalized by traditional major powers, and its leaders often adopt a critical stance toward the West. There is a strong sentiment that the current multilateral architecture no longer reflects global realities, leading to demands for better representation.

1. Demands for Better Representation

• Global South countries actively struggle for increased representation in global governance institutions.

• This involves advocating for reforms in organizations like the UN Security Council, where many Global South nations feel underrepresented.

• There is a growing trend of leaders from emerging states heading international organizations, such as Qu Dongyu (FAO), Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala (WTO), Tedros Ghebreyesus (WHO), and Khaled Ahmed El-Enany Ali Ezz (UNESCO).

• While emerging economies have gained greater voting quotas in institutions like the IMF, they remain underrepresented (e.g., China's 18% of global GDP versus 6% of IMF votes).

• The rise of the G20, which includes major emerging economies, highlights the Global South's increasing role in global economic discussions.

2. The BRICS Summits

• The group initially formed as BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, China) in 2008, expanded to BRICS with the inclusion of South Africa in 2011, and has recently become BRICS+ with further additions.

• BRICS nations have gained significant prominence since the 2010s, using summits to project their economic and political influence.

• They advocate for:

  • IMF governance reform.

  • Restructuring of the international monetary system.

  • Opposition to protectionist policies by industrialized nations.

  • A multipolar global economic and political order, including UN reform.

• In 2014, the New Development Bank (NDB) was created by BRICS, though its scale remains modest compared to established multilateral development banks.

• BRICS countries are promoting diversification of central bank reserves and developing trade and investment in local currencies, including the Contingent Reserve Arrangement (a BRICS-version IMF).

3. Emerging Powers in Other Multilateral Institutions and Forums

• Institutions from the "Third World" era remain active, such as OPEC+ (since 2016), the Non-Aligned Movement, and the G77+China.

• Regional organizations and South-South cooperation initiatives are flourishing, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the African Union.

• The shift in global economic power is evident: OECD countries accounted for 60% of global GDP (PPP) in 2000, but only 45% in 2022.

B. The Global South: A Fashionable but Analytically Weak Concept

Despite its growing use, the concept of the Global South faces critiques regarding its analytical robustness.

1. No Unified Anti-Western Consensus

• The idea of a uniform "anti-Western" stance among Global South countries is often oversimplified.

• For instance, while many Global South nations share frustrations with Western dominance, their reactions to specific geopolitical events like the 2022 Russian aggression in Ukraine show diverse responses, with significant abstentions and even some votes against resolutions condemning Russia.

2. The Global South and BRICS Are Highly Heterogeneous

• Both the broader Global South and the BRICS group encompass vast internal disparities in economic development, political systems, and strategic interests.

• For example, within BRICS, China accounts for a dominant 67% of the group's GDP (2016), while countries like South Africa represent only 2%. This economic disparity can lead to differing priorities.

3. Rivalries Within the Global South Are Deep

• Significant rivalries and divergent interests exist among Global South nations.

• A prime example is the relationship between China and India, both of whom seek to position themselves as leaders of the Global South.

• Their relationship with Western powers also differs; India maintains a more flexible approach compared to China.

• Military clashes occurred between India and China in 2020 in the Himalayas, highlighting underlying tensions (though an agreement was reached in 2024).

• India's foreign policy, under figures like External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, exemplifies "multi-alignment." This flexible diplomacy acknowledges a multipolar world and contrasts with the "neither-nor" logic of Cold War non-alignment.

  • For instance, India nurtures good relations with Arab countries and Iran while simultaneously deepening ties with Israel.

  • India refuses to impose sanctions on Russia and imports inexpensive Russian oil but also strengthens relations with Western countries and their Indo-Pacific partners (like the QUAD).

Key Takeaways

• The "Global South" evolved from the "Third World" concept, which emerged during decolonization and the Cold War as a political project for newly independent nations.

• Initially a call for non-alignment and a New International Economic Order, the "Third World" project ultimately fractured due to internal heterogeneity and external pressures.

• The modern "Global South" represents countries striving for greater representation in global governance, particularly through blocs like BRICS and increased participation in international institutions.

• Despite its growing influence, the "Global South" is not a monolithic entity; it is characterized by diverse interests, internal rivalries, and a lack of a unified anti-Western consensus, exemplified by multi-alignment strategies adopted by some of its leading members.